By Kenneth Surin
March 18, 2013
— screengrab courtesy of YouTube/KomasvideosKUALA LUMPUR, March 18 — Malaysia used to be a British colony, and as was invariably the case with British colonial administrations, the political administration of the colony was structured along racial and ethnic lines where possible (think of India and South Africa).
This enabled the British to create an inherently factionalised politics in which racial groupings could be pitted against each other. This racial and ethnic orientation was so deeply entrenched that it persisted even after Malaysia became independent in 1957.
To this day, the party that has ruled Malaysia since independence — now called Barisan Nasional — consists of three sub-parties purportedly representing the Malay, the Chinese and the Indian communities.
A political system organised along racial and ethnic lines is of course deeply debilitating. The initial spirit of co-operation that accompanies the euphoria of independence weakens as the euphoria subsides, and it becomes increasingly difficult to surmount the particular interests of the different communities, except through the rhetoric of a certain kind of nationalism.
However, this rhetoric is relatively easy to see through, since it rests on the shaky but unstated assumption that under the umbrella of "one nation" as in 1 Malaysia, the interests of the dominant community can be presented in the form of the universal, that is, in ways that can be shared by the other communities (or at any rate be rendered acceptable to their elites, who had of course by this time been thoroughly incorporated into the national ruling elite dominated by Umno, the Malay party).
Mahathir Mohamad, Malaysia's prime minister for 22 years, gave this racially-based politics a novel and decisive twist, by bringing about a convergence between it and the neo-liberal economic paradigm that had started to prevail since Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan came to power in the 1970s to 1980s.
The outcome is that the Malaysian economy was pushed from its peripheral status along the road towards a more advanced semi-peripheralisation, as it was opened to metropolitan finance and to the supply chains spreading rapidly outwards from the expanding Chinese economy.
The upshot of these developments was impressive in many ways. Malaysia became an "East Asian tiger", as massive infrastructural projects were implemented and production zones set up. But there were significant drawbacks: the fruits of prosperity were not distributed evenly, environmental despoliation became an increasing problem that the government made little or no attempt to redress, and the haphazard urbanisation so characteristic of the move towards semi-peripheralisation became evident as people flocked from the countryside to the prosperous Kuala Lumpur (KL), with its huge traffic gridlock, atmospheric pollution, housing scarcities and pockets of exacerbated poverty.
This is the context for this excellent documentary — M-C-M': Utopia Milik Siapa? — on Malaysia's distressed and distressing housing situation.
Boon Kia Meng, its director, belongs to a new and emerging political constellation that is starting to take root amongst younger Malaysians, especially those who are urban and well-educated. This constellation is post-racial, and encompasses members of all the ethnic communities.
Its modus operandi is the alliance, bringing together environmentalists, advocates of gender and sexual equality, anti-capitalists, anti-poverty campaigners, human rights groups, workers' rights activists, campaigners for affordable housing, and so on, all clustered round the notion that the prevailing political order has failed ordinary Malaysians, whilst of course conferring immense privileges on a small elite.
As yet, this new politics, like the Occupy Movement (with which it has notable affinities), eschews any participation in the official politics of representation. This official politics, as in the US and UK, is deeply marked by corruption and its allied nepotistic networks.
The Malaysian political order has, and will, certainly not open itself to an alternative social-movement politics of this kind, in this way paralleling the heavy-fisted approach of Western governments towards their Occupy movements, which were infiltrated by their secret services and brutalised by paramilitary units at nearly every turn, all in the name of "national security".
Now to the film itself.
— screengrab courtesy of YouTube/KomasvideosThe premise for the documentary is supplied by the well-known Marxian formula in its title. The essential logic of capital involves the utilisation of an initial sum of money/capital (M) to produce commodities (C) that can be then sold for a sum of money representing profit for the capitalist (M'). The film shows how this logic is precisely the dynamic underlying Malaysia's (and especially Kuala Lumpur's) housing market.
KL adheres to the basic pattern of the new Asian city (to use the title of a book by my Korean-Australian former doctoral student Jini Kim Watson), namely, exponential horizontal and vertical surface expansion, an exploding population, a city government that is out of its depth more often than not, a typically choked traffic system with the ensuing pollution, stresses on health and social service systems, the palpable co-existence of conspicuous consumption with abject poverty, escalating land and property values, and the inevitable shortages of affordable housing. Boon's film concentrates on the latter two features of the "new" KL.
The film uses standard documentary techniques, done to near perfection. There are interviews with those on the receiving end as it were, typically young professionals who were initially hopeful but who were subsequently disillusioned as it dawned on them that the totally unaffordable housing market was going to price them out.
There are interviews with those who keep the system going (real estate sellers, mortgage brokers), some of whom had clearly swallowed the deceptive logic behind the whole wretched system — a logic that to those who do not benefit from it seems little better than a form of racketeering.
There are snippets from the inevitable TV adverts puffing up the utopia of individual home ownership, as well as the self-congratulatory speeches of banking CEOs who report on yet another year of record profits, derived in large part from their home-loan activities. But the overall effect, conveyed by the neutral sounding voice-over, is stark, and the unfolding narrative is cumulative and inexorable.
Boon's film focuses on the following crux, expounded with a vigorous eloquence by the surveyor Dr Ernest Cheong: If the majority of young Malaysians (i.e. those most in need of housing) earn RM5,000 or less, and the typical property developer in search of the maximum profit is only interested in building "high end" properties that can be sold at RM700,000 or more, then how can someone who earns RM5,000 (and who therefore only qualifies for a housing loan of RM150,000) be able to afford something vastly beyond their price range?
Two possible answers are likely: The hapless young Malaysian earning RM5,000 or less and working in KL either lives in an overpriced rabbit-hutch in a central location, or else moves to Rawang and Nilai (where in bygone days members of my family were rubber planters in estates that have long since disappeared), or even further to Seremban, in order to buy something reasonably decent they can afford. But they then have to spend RM20 or more a day commuting to their workplace in the centre of KL. Some choice!
The film shows us that there is so far no solution in sight for this predicament. The private sector is only interested in the maximisation of profit, and the government, still wedded to neo-liberalism, is not unhappy to accommodate this state of affairs, and thus shows no interest in facilitating the construction of affordable low-cost housing. The film begins with M-C-M', and after providing a compelling account of Malaysia's housing situation, it concludes with just that… M-C-M'.
(M-C-M': Utopia Milik Siapa? can now be viewed for free on Youtube. Click here.)
Kenneth Surin is Professor of Religion and Critical Theory at Duke University, Durham, North Carolina, USA. He teaches philosophy, critical theory, and international political economy.